Fćrsluflokkur: Stjórnmál og samfélag

ENGIN VIĐURLÖG ERU VIĐ STJÓRNARSKRÁRBROTUM

Stjórnarskráin okkar er í sjálfu sér ágćtis plagg svo langt sem hún nćr en stćrsti gallinn viđ hana ađ mínu mati er ađ ENGIN VIĐURLÖG ERU VIĐ STJÓRNARSKRÁRBROTUM enda er hún ítrekađ brotin af öllum geirum hins fjórskipta valds sem er Forsetavald, Löggjafavald, Framkvćmdavald og Dómsvald.

Brot á 10. grein: (10. gr. Forsetinn vinnur eiđ eđa drengskaparheit ađ stjórnarskránni, er hann tekur viđ störfum. Af eiđstaf ţessum eđa heiti skal gera tvö samhljóđa frumrit. Geymir Alţingi annađ, en ţjóđskjalasafniđ hitt.)
Samkvćmt ţessu ćtti forseti ALDREI ađ samţykkja lög sem brjóta ákvćđi stjórnarskrár.

Brot á 47. grein: (47. gr. Sérhver nýr ţingmađur skal vinna …1) drengskaparheit ađ stjórnarskránni, ţegar er kosning hans hefur veriđ tekin gild.)
Samkvćmt ţessu ćtti Alţingismađur ALDREI ađ bera fram eđa standa ađ samţykkt frumvarps sem brýtur gegn ákvćđum stjórnarskrár.

Brot á 48. grein: (48. gr. Alţingismenn eru eingöngu bundnir viđ sannfćringu sína og eigi viđ neinar reglur frá kjósendum sínum.)
Ţarna hefur ítrekađ sannast ađ alţingismenn hlýđa frekar flokksaga eđa áherslum ţeirra sem hafa hjálpađ ţeim ađ ná kjöri en samvisku sinni og betri vitund.

Brot á 61. grein: (61. gr. Dómendur skulu í embćttisverkum sínum fara einungis eftir lögunum. Ţeim dómendum, sem ekki hafa ađ auk umbođsstörf á hendi, verđur ekki vikiđ úr embćtti nema međ dómi, og ekki verđa ţeir heldur fluttir í annađ embćtti á móti vilja ţeirra, nema ţegar svo stendur á, ađ veriđ er ađ koma nýrri skipun á dómstólana. [Ţó má veita ţeim dómara, sem orđinn er fullra 65 ára gamall, lausn frá embćtti, en hćstaréttardómarar skulu eigi missa neins í af launum sínum.]1))
Ţarna verđur oft misbrestur á og ţađ gleymist eđa er hundsađ ađ Stjórnarskrá Lýđveldisins er ĆĐRI örđum lögum.

Brot á 72. grein: (72. gr. [Eignarrétturinn er friđhelgur. Engan má skylda til ađ láta af hendi eign sína nema almenningsţörf krefji. Ţarf til ţess lagafyrirmćli og komi fullt verđ fyrir.
 Međ lögum má takmarka rétt erlendra ađila til ađ eiga fasteignaréttindi eđa hlut í atvinnufyrirtćki hér á landi.]1))
Ţarna er sífellt brotiđ brotiđ gegn almenningi í ţágu lánastofnanna og Almannatrygginga Ríkisins. Dómendur og ríkisvaldiđ hundsa stjórnarskrárvarinn rétt borgaranna.

Brot á 76. grein:  (76. gr. [Öllum, sem ţess ţurfa, skal tryggđur í lögum réttur til ađstođar vegna sjúkleika, örorku, elli, atvinnuleysis, örbirgđar og sambćrilegra atvika.
 Öllum skal tryggđur í lögum réttur til almennrar menntunar og frćđslu viđ sitt hćfi.
 Börnum skal tryggđ í lögum sú vernd og umönnun sem velferđ ţeirra krefst.]1))
Á Íslandi er stunduđ blygđunarlaus fátćkravćđing sem bitnar af miklum ţunga á láglaunafólki og börnum ţess. Bitnar af miklum ţunga á eftirlaunafólki og öryrkjum sem er haldiđ viđ hungurmörk af stjórnvöldum sem vísvitandi kjósa ađ brjóta á mannréttindum borgaranna.

Listi ţessi er ekki tćmandi enda SÁ SEM ŢETTA SKRIFAR EKKI LÖGLĆRĐUR eins og ýmsir ţeirra eru sem velja ađ brjóta á fólki.


Skrár tengdar ţessari bloggfćrslu:

Grái herinn grípur til vopna!

Hćgan hćgan, vopnin eru ekki byssur, sverđ né spjót. Vopn Gráa hersins er mikiđ betra, ţađ er orđiđ og beittir pennar sem setja orđin á blađ eđa birta á netinu.

Í Gráa hernum er fólk úr öllum flokkum og ţví teljast ţessi hápólitisku samtök vera ópólitisk, en öll barátta fyrir mannréttindum og bćttum kjörum er stjórnmálabarátta hvađ sem hver segir.
Engin áform eru hjá Gráa hernum ađ stofna stjórnmálaflokk en minnt er á ađ hér á landi eru hátt í 40.000 atkvćđi innan rađa aldrađra og eflaust mikiđ fleiri ef velunnarar, ćttingjar og vinir ljá okkur liđ.

Í gćr (9. Apríl 2016) var haldin stofnfundur Gráa hersins í húsakynnum Félags eldri borgara í Reykjavík og nágenni (FEB) ađ Stangarhyl 4. Á fundinum var fullt út úr dyrum og langt í frá ađ allir fengju stóla til ađ tylla sér á.
Á fundinum var kynnt stefnuyfirlýsin Gráa hersins sem fólk getur kynnt sér hér: https://www.facebook.com/graiherinn/posts/1525786771059498?fref=nf
einnig voru fluttar nokkrar stuttar rćđur og kom međal annars fram mikil gagnrýni á ađ talađ sé um fólk á eftirlaunum sem lífeyrisţega eins og viđ séum ađ ţiggja einhverja ölmusu af hendi ríkisins. Stađreyndin er nefnilega sú ađ eldri borgarar eru búnir ađ leggja í sjóđi ríkisins og lífeyrissjóđa verkalýđsfélaganna á langri starfsćfi og fá nú sín elli eđa eftirlaun greidd úr ţessum sjóđum.
Einnig var talađ um mikla og óeigingjarna elju Björgvins Guđmundssonar viđ ađ vekja athygli ađ vanda aldrađra og fékk hann dynjandi lofaklapp frá öllum viđstöddum, fćrslur hans má sjá nćr daglega á Facebook og blogginu hans sem má finna hér: http://gudmundsson.blog.is/blog/bjorgvin_gudmundsson/entry/2170140/?fb=1

Ţađ er líka skammarlegt hvernig stjórnvöld hafa árum saman forsmáđ afa sína og ömmur, pabba og mömmur og má ţar nefna skjaldborgina frćgu sem átti ađ slá upp heimilunum til varnar en var svo reist utan um banka og fjármálakerfiđ. Ekki skulum viđ heldur gleyma loforđum núverandi stjórnarflokka um bćtt kjör og afnám skerđinga Trygginarstofnunar ríkisins (bréfiđ hans Bjarna Ben), afnámi verđtrygginga og ţak á okurvexti lánastofnana sem Framsókn lofađi.
Ţađ virđist vera sama hvađa flokkur er viđ völd ađ ţađ er engu líkara en ţađ sé sérstök vinna lögđ í ţađ ađ halda öldruđum viđ hungurmörk. Svo ef einhver reynir ađ afla sér smá aukatekna til ađ eiga kannski fyrir leikhúsferđ eđa afmćlisgjöf handa barnabarni ţá er byrjađ á ađ skattleggja sporsluna í botn og á eftir kemur hiđ opinbera og skerđir eftirlaunagreiđslur og tekur af fríđindi eins og td. lćgri fasteignagjöld ţannig mađur er í raun ver settur en ţó mađur hefđi bara haldiđ sig heima og sparađ ferđagjöld og annan kostnađ sem hlýst af ţví ađ sćkja vinnu.

Eins og sjá má er full ástćđa fyrir eldriborgara og ástvini ţeirra ađ ganga til liđs viđ Gráa herinn og efla hann til dáđa í ţeirri baráttu sem framundan er. Rétt er ađ geta ţess ađ allir félagsmenn FEB eru sjálfkrafa í Gráa hernum en hver sem er á landinu getur skráđ sig í liđiđ sér ađ kostnađarlausu međ ţví ađ fara inn á netsíđu hjá FEB ( http://feb.is/grai-herinn/ ).

Muniđ ađ viđ eldri borgarar landsins hvar í flokki sem viđ stöndum getum veriđ gríđarlega mikiđ afl ef viđ stöndum saman og beitum okkur í rćđu, riti OG viđ kjörkassana!


ţetta barn mun lifa í 120 ár

Fyrirsögn á forsíđu maíheftis National Geographic Magazine: ţetta barn mun lifa í 120 ár..
may-2013-ngm-cover-360-placeholder Sé ţetta rétt spá sem gilda muni fyrir börn okkar hér í hinum vestrćna heimi ţá er ţađ á hreinu ađ lífeyrissjóđir eins og ţeir sem viđ borgum í hér eru algjörlega vanbúnir ađ standa viđ skuldbindingar sínar.

Ţjóđfélag okkar mun heldur ekki eiga neina möguleika á ađ ala önn fyrir ţorra fólks í 50 ár, ţađ er frá sjötugu til ćviloka.

Eitthvađ verđur ađ gera einhverju ađ breyta!

Hćttum ađ ljúga ađ sjálfum okkur hvađ viđ búum viđ fínt kerfi og lokum lífeyrissjóđunum, ţjóđnýtum ţá og setjum eignir ţeirra í sameiginlegan sjóđ almannatrygginga.

Látum ekki forsprakka verkalýđshreyfingarinnar sísla lengur međ okkar fé á okkar kostnađ enda hefur ţađ sýnt sig ađ ţeir eru ófćrir um ţađ ţó ađ ţeir séu á ofurlaunum viđ og mati kannski helst eiginn krók.

http://s.ngm.com/2013/05/table-of-contents/may-2013-ngm-cover-360-placeholder.jpg

http://ngm.nationalgeographic.com/2013/05/longevity/hall-text

 


ÓNÓ

Ţetta minnir mig á ónó fuglinn sem var illa fleygur.

En nafn sitt dró hann af ţví ađ hann var óvenju pungsíđur og illa fleygur, eins og áđur sagđi, og í hvert sinn sem hann flaug yfir gaddavírsgirđingu söng hann hástöfum ÓNÓ-ÓNÓ-ÓNÓ.


mbl.is Stćrsti haförn sem sést hefur
Tilkynna um óviđeigandi tengingu viđ frétt

Hamfaraflóđ

Í helgarpistli sínum 18-20 mars líkir Jónas Haraldsson ástandinu hér viđ hamfarirnar viđ Japan, Haíti og New Orleans.
Ástandiđ hér er ţó af mannavöldum og óvíst hve margir hafa látiđ líf sitt vegna ţess. ţađ er ţó nokkuđ víst ađ einhver líf hafa glatast undir aurskriđu atvinnuleysis, verđbólgu og stökkbreyttra lána.


Stćrsti munurinn á ţessum manngerđu hamförum hér á landi og ţeim sem hafa orđiđ af völdum náttúrunnar úti í heimi er ađ stjórnvöld ţar gera ţađ sem í ţeirra valdi stendur til ađ bćta ástand ţegna sinna og fá jafnvel til ţess ađstođ annarra ţjóđa ţar međ taliđ okkar ágćtu ţjóđ.
En gagnvart hinum manngerđu hamförunum hér sem sífellt kaffćra fleiri fyrirtćki, fjölskyldur og einstaklinga ríkir algjört sinnuleysi stjórnvalda sem virđast ekki sjá neinn vanda nema hjá góđvinum sínum bönkunum og öđrum fjármagnseigendum.


Skrár tengdar ţessari bloggfćrslu:

Mannréttindakafli stjórnarskrár Íslands: (ný grein)

Á Íslandi skal engin ţurfa ađ lifa undir fátćktarmörkum.
Óheimilt er ađ semja um eđa ákveđa lćgri útborguđ laun eđa bćtur en sem nemur lágmarksframfćrslu.
Lágmarksframfćrsla skal vera reiknuđ út samkvćmt viđurkenndum stöđlum ţar sem tekiđ er tillit til kostnađar viđ fćđi, klćđi, húsnćđi, lyfja, veikinda, afţreyingar, samgangna, vaxta/verđbóta og annars í almennum neysluvenjum Íslendinga.
mbl.is Bót vill bćtt samfélag
Tilkynna um óviđeigandi tengingu viđ frétt

Spurt á Fésbók: Hver getur lifađ MANNSĆMANDI LÍFI

Hver getur lifađ MANNSĆMANDI LÍFI á ţessum launum og borgađ fyrir húsnćđi, fćđi, samgöngur, afţreyingu, lyf og svo framvegis ??

Efling: Byrjunarlaun 157.752 á mánuđi fyrir skatta og gjöld
VR: Byrjunarlaun 162.450 á mánuđi fyrir skatta og gjöld
Útlendingastofnun: Lágmarksframfćrsla einstaklings er 125.540 kr. á mánuđi en 200.864 fyrir hjón
Vinnumálastofnun: um ţađ bil 1...50.000 á mánuđi (fyrir skatt)
Atvinnuleysisbćtur ađ frádregnum skatti og lífeyrissjóđi 137.104
Örorkubćtur til einstaklings eftir skatt u.ţ.b. 157.000
Ellilífeyrir til einstaklings eftir skatt u.ţ.b. 150.000
Fjárhagsađstođ Reykjavíkur til einstaklings eftir skatt 123.019
---------
Ég birti hér örfá svör nafnlaust:

Svar 1: Ađ vísu get ég lifađ á slíkum launum, en efast reyndar ađ margir fleiri geti ţađ. Ég skulda um 40 milljónir í húsnćđislán sem ég hćtti ađ borga fyrir ári síđan. Ég vék einhliđa lánasamningum til hliđar ţar sem bankarnir vildu láta mig borga u.ţ.b. 20 milljónir til viđbótar. Ég byrja aftur ađ borga ţegar ţjófarnir hafa leiđrétt lánin.
Svo kaupi ég mjög sjaldan mat, enda hćgt ađ finna nóg af heilum og góđum mat í ruslagámum stórmarkađanna. Ţá lifi ég ţröngt og leigi út hluta af mínu húsnćđi. Lyf nota ég ekki og mun ekki nota. Almennt eru útgjöld mín fremur lág. Ţessi lífstíll ţykir e.t.v. ekki mannsćmandi, en ég hef vanist honum og er sáttur. Passiđ bara ađ Pétur Blöndal frétti ekki af ţessu!

Svar 2: ég lifi á 20 ţúsund á mánuđi ţegar búiđ er ađ draga af mér ţađ sem ţarf ađ borga...ég var gerđur gjaldţrota 20 ára af hrunflokks lögmönnum á ísafirđi annar er kominn suđur og er orđinn hćstaréttarlögmađur bara pólitísk spilling.. ađ lögmenn geti tekiđ og eingast fé annarra međ ţví ađ gera ţá gjaldţrota svo safnar ţetta vöxtum

Svar 3: Ţađ hafa flestir sína (sorgarsögu) ađ segja ég kýs ađ segja ekki mína hér en samt Nei ţetta er ađ ganga illa upp. Og/en ţeir sem skammta okkur ţessi kjör eru í á öđrum klassa/launum sem hverjir borga?

Svar 4: Ísleifur ţađ getur enginn lifađ af svona launum, vonleysi, ţreyta og uppgjöf er í fólki. Umönnunar og fólk í heilbrigđisgeiranum vinnur undir öryggismörkum ekki er kallađ út fólk ef veikindi eru heldur er endalaust unniđ viđ hrikaleg vinnuálag. Ţetta er fólkiđ t.d hjá Eflingu sem er međ ţessi laun...ţađ er fólkiđ sem vinnur á bak viđ tjöldin á Hjúkrunarstofnunum

Svar 5 ég: Stađreyndin er ađ ţađ má ekki rugga bátnum sem ASÍ situr í og Vilhjálmur Egilsson stýrir fyrir hönd SA.
------------
Ég sjálfur: Bót Ađgerđahópur um BĆTT samfélag vinnur ađ ţví ađ laga kjör bótaţega og láglaunafólks.
Kíkiđ inn hjá Bót og smelliđ á 'Like' takkann efst á síđunni.

http://www.facebook.com/?ref=home#!/group.php?gid=120279531356843&ref=ts


Neytendasamtökin taki sig til og reikni út hver er lágmarksframfćrslukostnađur íslendings, á Íslandi.

Greinargerđ:Vek athygli á ađ lágmarksframfćrslan hér á landi er ekki reiknuđ og er ekki til. Hin svo kölluđu viđmiđ  sem notast er viđ, af hinum ýmsu opinberu stofnunum*, eiga ekkert skylt viđ raunveruleikan og ćttu ekki ađ vera notuđ í siđmenntuđu ţjóđfélagi. Ţessi viđmiđ eru ađ framleiđa fátćktina.

 Krafan er ađ lágmarksframfćrsla verđi reiknuđ og verđi ţannig ađ fólk geti lifađ mannsćmandi lífi.

 Spyrji mađur eftir ţessum útreikningi hjá opinberum stofnunum eđa jafnvel hjá Neytendasamtökunum sjálfum er viđkvćđiđ ađ ekki sé sátt um máliđ.Er ekki komiđ ađ ţví ađ Neytendasamtökin höggvi á ţennan hnút og taki máliđ í sínar hendur?

 Á hinum norđurlöndunum er útgefin svokölluđ lágmarksframfćrsla og samtökunum ćtti ekki ađ vera erfitt ađ fá uppgefna ţá stađla sem ţar eru notađir viđ útreikningana og ađlaga ađ okkar lífsháttum. Síđan eiga samtökin, međ sína reynslu af neyslumynstri ţjóđarinnar, ekki ađ vera í neinum vandrćđum međ ađ reikna út hver er LÁGMARKSFRAMFĆRSLA Á EINSTAKLING OG / EĐA HJÓN eftir skatta og sundurliđađ miđađ viđ lágmarksţarfir á húsnćđi, fćđi, afţreyingu, samgöngur og svo framvegis.

 Ţađ getur vel fariđ svo ađ samtökin verđi fyrir barđinu á einhverjum stjórnmála eđa embćttismanni verđi ţetta gert, en eru Neytendasamtökin ekki einmitt hugsuđ til ađ vernda okkur og hjálpa í baráttunni viđ hina ýmsu og oft annarlegu hagsmuni sem neytendur ţurfa ađ glíma viđ.

  Tillögumađur: Ísleifur Gíslason, Kt: 140846-3419

   

*

Útlendingastofnun: Lágmarksframfćrsla einstaklings er 125.540 kr. á mánuđi en 200.864 fyrir hjón

Vinnumálastofnun: um ţađ bil 150.000 á mánuđi (fyrir skatt)

Atvinnuleysisbćtur ađ frádregnum skatti og lífeyrissjóđi 137.104

Örorkubćtur til einstaklings eftir skatt u.ţ.b. 157.000

Ellilífeyrir til einstaklings eftir skatt u.ţ.b. 150.000

Fjárhagsađstođ Reykjavíkur til einstaklings eftir skatt 123.019

Eitt eilífđar smáblóm

Ég sótti ţennan bćkling em er hér neđst í ţessari fćrslu á heimasíđu ESB (http://ec.europa.eu/enlargement/pdf/key_documents/2007/understanding_enlargement_102007_en.pdf)
og breytti í MS-Word skjal. (PDF skjaliđ er viđhengi)

Ég biđst afsökunar á ţví ađ efnisyfirlit og blađsíđutal hefur ruglast en ţetta ćtti samt ađ skiljast.

Međ ţví ađ fara á ţessa síđu: http://ec.europa.eu/enlargement/er hćgt ađ finna frekari upplýsingar og ţá ćtti líka ađ verđa ljóst hverjum heilvita manni ađ Ísland fćr engar sérstakar ívilnanir varđandi fiskimiđ eđa annađ nema ţá í mjög skamman tíma. Í ţessu sambandi er ég sérstaklega ađ benda á 'The chapters of the Acquis' http://ec.europa.eu/enlargement/archives/enlargement_process/future_prospects/negotiations/eu10_bulgaria_romania/chapters/index_en.htmŢar segir ma.; "...And these rules (also known as "acquis", French for "that which has been agreed") are not negotiable..." Einnig hér: http://ec.europa.eu/enlargement/glossary/terms/acquis_en.htm

Munđ ađ fyrir eitt eilífđar smáblóm sem ćtlar ađ lifa í ţúsund ár er ţriggja til sjö ára undanţága ađeins augnablik í tilverunni.

NEI viđ ESB - NEI viđ Icesave - BURT međ IMF
________________________________________

Foreword
During half a century, the European Union has pursued ever-deeper integration while taking in new members. Most of the time, the two processes took place in parallel. As a consequence, today’s EU, with 27 Member States and a population of close to 500 million people, is much safer, more prosperous, stronger and more influential than the original European Economic Community of 50 years ago, with its 6 members and population of less than 200 million.
A growing membership has been part of the development of European integration right from the start. The debate about enlargement is as old as the EU itself. Every time the EU accepts new members, it changes. Thinking about what we might become forces us to think about what we are now, and what we want to be in the future.
The 2004 /2007 enlargement to countries from Central and Eastern Europe and the Mediterranean has proven a great success for the EU, although it has been used as a scapegoat for all sorts of social and economic problems in Europe. Actually, this last round of enlargement has expanded the area of peace, stability and democracy on our continent,and strengthened the European economy by enlarging markets, creating new business opportunities and bringing fast-growing economies into the single market. Now the EU is the world’s largest economic zone. The wider internal market and new economic opportunities have increased Europeans’ prosperity and competitiveness.
The democratically elected governments of the EU Member States, coming together in the European Council, have agreed that future enlargements will concern the countries already working towards EU membership -Croatia, the former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia, Albania, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Montenegro, Serbia including Kosovo (under UN Security Council Resolution 1244) and Turkey. Membership will only happen when each one of them meets the necessary requirements. A gradual and carefully managed enlargement process creates a win-win situation for all countries concerned.
The purpose of this brochure is to explain, in a clear and concise way, what the EU’s enlargement policy is about and how it is put into practice. It aims to give the reader an overview of how the EU has grown since its creation, where it stands today after having undergone its most important round of enlargement in 2004/2007, and what the perspective of accepting new members in the future is. Above all, this publication intends to respond to frequently asked questions like,
Who decides?“ and
„How does an aspirant become a Member State?“
I hope that reading this brochure will be both informative and easy, and that it will provide answers to your questions about EU enlargement.
Olli Rehn
Olli Rehn Member of the European Commission responsible for enlargement
Neither the European Commission nor any person acting on behalf of the Commission is responsible for the use which might be made of the following information.
A great deal of additional information on the European Union is available on the Internet. It can be accessed through the Europa server (http://europa.eu/).
Information about the enlargement of the European Union can be found on the web site of the Directorate General for Enlargement (http://ec.europa.eu/enlargement/). Cataloguing data can be found at the end of this publication. ISBN 978-92-79-06636-8 European Commission, Directorate General for Enlargement, 2007 © European Communities 2007 Reproduction is authorised provided the source is acknowledged. Printed in Belgium

2


Table of content

 From 6 to 27 Member States  ........................................................  4

Who can join? ..............................................................6
Who decides?  .........................................................8
The enlargement process at work: meeting the requirements  .....................................  9
Helping candidates preparing for membership  ........................................................  14
The future  ..........................................................  16
Who can join?
The requirements for joining the EU have been spelled out with increasing precision over the course of its evolution, to provide clarity for its own citizens and guidance to countries wishing to join. Article 49 of the Treaty on European Union states that any European country may apply for membership if it respects the principles of liberty, democracy, respect for human rights and fundamental freedoms, and the rule of law. A country can only become a member if it fulfils all criteria for accession as first defined by the European Council in Copenhagen in 1993, and reinforced in 1995 These criteria are:

Article 6 (1) of the Treaty of the European Union
“The Union is founded on the principles of liberty, democracy, respect for human rights and fundamental freedoms, and the rule of law, principles which are common to the Member States.” Article 49 of the Treaty of the European Union “Any European State which respects the principles set out in Article 6(1)may apply to become a member of the Union.”
1.             1.             Political: stable institutions guaranteeing democracy, the rule of law, human rights and respect for and protection of minorities.
2.             2.             Economic: a functioning market economy and the capacity to cope with competition and market forces in the EU.
3.             3.             The capacity to take on the obligations of membership, including adherence to the objectives of political, economic and monetary union.
4.             4.             Adoption of the entire body of European legislation and its effective implementation through appropriate administrative and judicial structures.  In addition, the EU must be able to integrate new members, so it reserves the right to decide when it is ready to accept them. Some European countries are yet to convert their European perspective into EU membership. Croatia, Turkey and the former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia are now candidates; with Croatia and Turkey the EU has already begun negotiations towards membership. The other Western Balkan countries – Albania, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Montenegro and Serbia including Kosovo (under UN Security Council Resolution 1244) – are also working towards fulfilling the requirements to move ahead.
The speed with which each country advances depends solely on its own progress towards our common goals.


 
 
Who decides?
Few members are admitted only when they are prepared, and only with unanimous consent of the democratically elected governments of the EU Member States, coming together either in the Council of Ministers or in the European Council. This is true for every stage of the process. Long before any accession negotiations start, all agreements between the EU and any non-EU country – such as Stabilisation and Association Agreements with the countries of the Western Balkans or the Customs Union with Turkey – are reached only after the EU Member States have given their approval. When a country applies to join the EU, the Member States’ governments, represented in the Council, decide – after receiving an opinion from the Commission – whether or not to accept the application and recognise the country as a candidate. Similarly, the Member States themselves decide when and on what terms to open and to close accession negotiations with candidates on each policy area (also known as “chapter”, see section “The enlargement process at work” below). And it is the Member States who decide when accession negotiations are satisfactorily completed. The draft of the Accession Treaty has to be agreed and signed by every Member State before a candidate becomes an accession state, and then it has to be ratified by each Member State according to its own constitutionally established procedure. The European Parliament, whose members are elected directly by the EU’s citizens, also has to give its consent.

8
The EU enlargement policy ensures a well managed accession process, so that enlargement brings benefits simultaneously to the EU and to the countries joining. Candidates have to demonstrate that they will be able to play their part fully as members – something that requires wide support among their citizens, as well as political and technical compliance with the EU’s standards and norms. Throughout the process, from application to accession, the EU operates comprehensive stage-by-stage approval procedures. A country that wishes to join the EU submits an application for membership to the Council, where the governments of all the EU Member States are represented. The Council asks the Commission to assess the applicant’s ability to meet the conditions for membership. If the Commission delivers a positive opinion, and the Council unanimously agrees a negotiating mandate, negotiations are formally opened between the candidate and all the Member States. To help the countries prepare for future membership, a pre-accession strategy is designed. Key elements of this strategy include agreements that set out rights and obligations (like the Stabilisation and Association Agreements in the case of the Western Balkan countries), as well as special cooperation mechanisms like Accession or European Partnerships, setting out concrete reform objectives to be achieved by the candidates and potential candidates. EU financial assistance is another important aspect of pre-accession strategies.  
 
The enlargement process at work: meeting the
requirements
Accession negotiations First, it is important to underline that the term “negotiation” can be misleading. Accession negotiations focus on the conditions and timing of the candidate’s adoption, implementation and application of EU rules – some 90,000 pages of them. And these rules (also known as “acquis, French for “that which has been agreed”) are not negotiable. For candidates, it is essentially a matter of agreeing on how and when to adopt and implement EU rules and procedures. For the EU, it is important to obtain guarantees on the date and effectiveness of each candidate’s implementation of the rules. Negotiations are conducted individually with each candidate, and the pace depends on each country’s progress in meeting the requirements. Candidates consequently have an incentive to implement necessary reforms rapidly and effectively. Some of these reforms require considerable and sometimes difficult transformations of a country’s political and economic structures. It is therefore important that governments clearly and convincingly communicate the reasons for these reforms to the citizens of the country. Support from civil society is essential in this process. Accession negotiations take place between the EU Member States and candidate countries. Negotiating sessions are held at the level of ministers or deputies, i.e. Permanent Representatives for the Member States, and Ambassadors or Chief Negotiators for the candidate countries. To facilitate the negotiations, the whole body of EU law is divided into “chapters”, each corresponding to a policy area. The first step in negotiations is called “screening”; its  purpose is  to identify areas in need of alignment in the legislation, institutions or practices of a candidate country.         

The chapters of the Acquis

1.1.         Free movement of goods
2.            2.         Freedom of movement for workers
3.            3.         Right of establishment and freedom to provide services
4.            4.         Free movement of capital
5.            5.         Public procurement
6.            6.         Company law
7.            7.         Intellectual property law
8.            8.         Competition policy
9.            9.         Financial services
10.         10. Information society and media
11.         11. Agriculture
12.         12. Food safety, veterinary and phytosanitary policy
13.         13. Fisheries
14.         14. Transport policy
15.         15. Energy
16.         16. Taxation
17.         17. Economic and monetary policy  
1.            18. Statistics
2.            19. Social policy and employment
3.            20. Enterprise and industrial policy
4.            21. Trans-European Networks
5.            22. Regional policy and coordination of structural instruments
6.            23. Judiciary and fundamental rights
7.            24. Justice, freedom and security
8.            25. Science and research
9.            26. Education and culture
10.         27. Environment
11.         28. Consumer and health protection
12.         29. Customs union
13.         30. External relations
14.         31. Foreign, security, defence policy
15.         32. Financial control
16.         33. Financial and budgetary provisions
17.         34. Institutions
18.         35. Other issues  
 
10
As a basis for launching the actual, technical negotiation process, the Commission establishes a “screening report” for each chapter and each country. These reports are submitted to the Council. It is for the Commission to make a recommendation on whether to open negotiations on a chapter, or require that certain conditions (or “benchmarks”) should be met first. The candidate country then submits a negotiating position. On the basis of a proposal by the Commission, the Council adopts an EU common position allowing opening of the negotiations.

Once the EU agrees a common position on each chapter of the acquis, and once the candidate accepts the EU’s common position, negotiations on that chapter are closed – but only provisionally. EU accession negotiations operate on the principle that “nothing is agreed until everything is agreed”, so definitive closure of chapters occurs only at the end of the entire negotiating process.

Reporting and monitoring
The Commission keeps the Council and the European Parliament duly informed about the candidate countries’ progress, through annual strategy papers and individual country progress reports. It also monitors fulfilment of benchmark requirements, and progress in respecting undertakings.


Monitoring continues until accession. This makes it possible to give additional guidance as countries assume the responsibilities of membership, and also guarantees to the current Member States that new entrants meet the conditions for accession.

Turkey 2006 Progress Report,
Chapter 25, “Science and
Research”

“Turkey’s research policy resulted in significant-
ly increased budgets for research and develop-
ment: nearly fivefold compared to 2002 levels.
New universities have been opened in 15 cities.
Improvements were also achieved in Turkey’s sci-
ence and research capacities including its grad-
ually more successful participation in FP6 [the
6th Framework Programme]. Turkey’s success
rate under FP6 improved and is now about 17%.
However, it is below the EU averages of about
20%. In terms of funding, Turkey was mostly
successful in obtaining small projects. However,
EU funding is not achieving its potential.
Taking into account actions that Turkey has tak-
en with respect to mobility of researchers, sci-
ence and society and 3% of GDP for Science
and Technology Action Plan measures, Turkey
is already well integrated into the European
Research Area.”

 
The Accession Treaty
When negotiations on all the chapters are completed to the satisfaction of both sides, the results are incorporated into a draft Accession Treaty. If it wins the support of the Commission, the Council and the European Parliament, the Treaty is signed and ratified by the candidate country and all the Member States.
 From signing the Accession Treaty to accession
Once the Accession Treaty is signed, the candidate country becomes an “Acceding State” and is entitled to certain provisional privileges until it becomes an EU Member State. As an acceding state, it can comment on draft EU proposals, communications, recommendations or initiatives, and it acquires “active observer status”on EU bodies and agencies, where it is entitled to speak, but not to vote. Once the ratification process is complete, the Accession Treaty enters into force on its scheduled date, and the accession state becomes a Member State.
 
Helping candidates preparing for membership
A candidate country’s progress towards the EU depends on how well it implements reforms needed to fulfil the accession criteria. The EU provides support to the countries in their preparations for EU accession.
The candidate countries’ formal links to the EU may be established in different agreements. For example, Turkey’s formal links with the EU are enshrined in an agreement first signed in 1963 (the “Ankara Agreement”), repeatedly updated since then, and in a Customs Union agreed in 1995. For the countries of the Western Balkans, a special process was established in 2000, called the Stabilization and Association Process (SAP). The SAP pursues three aims, namely stabilization and a swift transition to a market economy, the promotion of regional cooperation and the prospect of EU accession. It helps the countries of the region to build their capacity to adopt and implement European standards. In the framework of the SAP, the Union offers the countries of the Western Balkans trade concessions, contractual relations and economic and financial assistance. Since 1991, the EU has provided some €12 billion in assistance to the Western Balkans, some of the highest per capita assistance in the world. Candidate countries often need to carry out significant reforms to ensure that EU rules are not only adopted, but properly implemented too. They may have to set up new bodies, such as an independent competition authority, or a food-standards agency. Or they may need to restructure existing institutions: de-militarizing the police, upgrading environmental and nuclear-safety watchdogs, or giving prosecutors more autonomy in combating corruption. These reforms usually imply major investments in know-how and funds. The EU offers a wide range of complementary programmes and mechanisms to provide finance and technical assistance in carrying out these reforms. Aware of the challenges that reforms can present to citizens in candidate countries, the EU also promotes strategies to boost public understanding of the accession process, including dialogue between the EU countries and candidate countries at the level of civil society: trade unions, consumer associations and other non governmental organizations. An important aspect of the EU’s assistance is strengthening institutional capacity, or “institution building”, by developing the structures or training the staff responsible for applying EU rules in the candidate country. Advice on implementing the acquis is often provided via “Twinning” arrangements, in which experts are seconded from EU Member States, or through short-termworkshops. Preparing countries for membership can also mean helping them to upgrade their infrastructure: building solid-waste disposal plants or improving transport networks. Candidate countries are allowed to participate in EU programmes, for example in the areas of public health or research, and may also receive grants and loans from international financial institutions. This experience allows candidate countries to learn how to handle the kind of funding they will be entitled to after accession, also helping to familiarize them with EU policies and instruments. The EU has created a new financing instrument to fund its assistance to countries on their way to membership, including a range of incentives and conditions to ensure the best use of EU money. This single “Instrument for Pre-Accession Assistance” (IPA), in force since 1 January 2007, is a simplification of the EU’s previous wide range of support programmes, like Phare, CARDS or SAPARD. In particular, IPA will help strengthen democratic institutions and the rule of law, reform public administration, carry out economic reforms, promote respect for human as well as minority rights and gender equality, support the development of civil society and advance regional co-operation, and contribute to sustainable development and poverty reduction. For candidate countries, the additional objective is the adoption and implementation of the full requirements for membership. IPA will provide a total of €11,468 million at current prices over 2007–2013, with precise allocations decided year by year.

Former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia Indicative Financial Framework for the Instrument for Pre-Accession Assistance until 2010 (€ million, current prices)  
 2007 2008 2009 2010
Turkey 497.2 538.7 566.4 653.7
Croatia 138.5 146.0 151.2 154.2
Former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia 58.5 70.2 81.8 92.3
Serbia 186.7 190.9 194.8 198.7
Montenegro 31.4 32.6 33.3 34.0
Kosovo 68.3 64.7 66.1 67.3
Bosnia and Herzegovina 62.1 74.8 89.1 106.0
Albania 61.0 70.7 81.2 93.2
Total 1260.2 1383.3 1480.4 1621.7

The future
Future enlargements will concern the countries of south-eastern Europe. It is in the best interest of all of Europe to promote democratic transformation in the Western Balkan countries and Turkey and to consolidate stability. In December 2006, the European Council renewed its consensus on enlargement. The EU has taken the concerns of its citizens about the pace of enlargement seriously. Enlargement policy is based on consolidation. This means that the EU honors existing commitments towards countries already in the process, but is cautious about assuming any new commitments. Rigorous conditionality is applied to all candidate and potential candidate countries. Their possible dates of accession depend on their progress with political and economic reforms as well as compliance with the EU body of laws. Each country will be judged on its own merits.
 
16 For enlargement to be a success, it is essential to secure the support of citizens both in the EU Member States and in the candidate and potential candidate countries. It is important to better communicate the successes and challenges of enlargement, in order to gain public support and make growing together a common project. The accession of Bulgaria and Romania in January 2007 completed the EU’s fifth round of enlargement, which began in 2004 and increased the number of EU Member States from 15 to 27. There is no similar big enlargement wave ahead in the foreseeable future. The EU should continue to grow at a pace to be determined by its own citizens and the progress of candidate countries in fulfilling the requirements. The European Union’s nature is dynamic. Much has been achieved in recent years, and the journey continues. The Union is committed to keeping the negotiations on track. In the process of integrating new members, together we will work towards increasing prosperity and security while enhancing solidarity.

Both the EU and the countries involved stand to benefit from the transforming power of the process leading to accession.


The History of the Process
1957 Belgium, France, Germany, Italy, Luxembourg and the Netherlands sign the Treaty of Rome and establish the European Economic Community (EEC).
1963 Ankara Agreement signed with Turkey.
1973 Denmark, Ireland and the United Kingdom join the EC.
1981 Greece joins the EC.
1986 Spain and Portugal join the EC.
1987 Turkey applies to join the EC.
1990 Following reunification of Germany, integration of the former German Democratic Republic.

1993 Copenhagen European Council agrees the accession criteria.
1995 Austria, Finland and Sweden join the EU.
Customs Union with Turkey.
1999 Helsinki European Council confirms Turkey as a candidate country.
2000 The Zagreb summit confirms full commitment to the Stabilisation and Association Process by countries in the Western Balkans.
2003 Croatia applies to join the EU.
The Thessaloniki summit reaffirms the EU’s commitment to eventual integration into the Union of the countries of the Western Balkans.
2004 Cyprus, the Czech Republic, Estonia, Hungary, Latvia, Lithuania, Malta, Poland, Slovakia and Slovenia join the EU.
The former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia applies to join the EU.
2005 Opening of accession negotiations with Turkey and Croatia.
Screening starts for Turkey and Croatia.
2006 Opening and provisional closure of the first chapter of negotiations with Croatia and Turkey.
2007 January: Bulgaria and Romania become EU Member States.

You will find more information on enlargement on the website of the Directorate General for Enlargement of the European Commission.
http://ec.europa.eu/enlargement/
NI78-07-352-EN-C


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